Debunking Prime Minister Modi’s Praise for RSS: A Century of Controversy Over Nation Building

Debunking Prime Minister Modi’s Praise – On August 15, 2025, India’s 79th Independence Day, Prime Minister Modi delivered his address from the Red Fort in Delhi, marking a historic moment by publicly lauding the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) for the first time in such a speech. He described the RSS, founded in 1925, as the “world’s largest NGO,” celebrating its centenary as a “proud and glorious chapter” in India’s history. Modi emphasized the organization’s dedication to “nation building” through “character building” (vyakti nirman), societal welfare, and selfless service by its volunteers (swayamsevaks). He portrayed the RSS’s 100-year journey as an inspiration for national unity and progress, aligning it with India’s broader developmental narrative.

This praise, however, ignited immediate backlash from opposition leaders, who accused Modi of rewriting history to favor an organization with a contentious legacy. Critics, including Congress figures like Jairam Ramesh and Supriya Shrinate, labeled the speech “troubling” and hypocritical, pointing to the RSS’s historical opposition to key national symbols and its alleged role in fostering division. AIMIM leader Asaduddin Owaisi and others invoked the RSS’s ties to Mahatma Gandhi’s assassin, Nathuram Godse, and its ban by Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel in 1948.

While the RSS undoubtedly engages in social services—such as disaster relief, education, and rural development—its contributions to “nation building” are overshadowed by a history of ideological extremism, non-participation in the freedom struggle, and actions that undermined India’s secular fabric. This article delves into these aspects, drawing on historical records, RSS publications, scholarly analyses, and diverse viewpoints to scrutinize Modi’s claims. By examining pro-RSS defenses alongside criticisms, it reveals a more nuanced—and often divisive—picture, with a particular focus on how RSS-affiliated education systems propagate distorted narratives that instill communal bias in young minds, as exemplified by recent viral incidents.

RSS’s Formation and Limited Role in the Freedom Struggle

The RSS was established on September 27, 1925, in Nagpur by Dr. Keshav Baliram Hedgewar, amid communal riots between Hindus and Muslims. Its initial aim was to foster Hindu unity through physical training, discipline, and cultural revival, inspired by Hedgewar’s experiences in the Congress-led anti-colonial movements. Pro-RSS narratives highlight this as the foundation for long-term nation building, emphasizing grassroots “character building” over immediate political activism.

However, the organization’s contribution to India’s independence from British rule was negligible, if not counterproductive. Hedgewar participated individually in Gandhi’s 1930 Civil Disobedience Movement but instructed RSS members to avoid collective involvement, prioritizing Hindu organization over anti-colonial resistance. During the 1942 Quit India Movement—a pivotal mass uprising—the RSS abstained entirely, with British intelligence reports noting its compliance with colonial authorities. Critics argue this stemmed from the RSS’s focus on internal “enemies” (Muslims and Christians) rather than external oppressors, as articulated by second Sarsanghchalak M.S. Golwalkar: “Hindus, don’t waste your energy fighting the British. Save your energy to fight our internal enemies.”

Defenders counter that the RSS’s non-political stance allowed it to build a resilient cadre for post-independence service, including aiding Partition refugees in 1947. Yet, this selective involvement contrasts sharply with the sacrifices of freedom fighters like Gandhi, Nehru, and Ambedkar, who actively challenged British rule. Modi’s portrayal of RSS as central to nation building glosses over this absenteeism, crediting it with a role it largely avoided.

Opposition to the Indian Constitution

One of the most glaring contradictions in Modi’s narrative is the RSS’s historical disdain for the Indian Constitution, adopted on November 26, 1949. The document, drafted by B.R. Ambedkar, enshrines secularism, equality, and federalism—principles at odds with the RSS’s vision of a Hindu Rashtra (nation).

The RSS’s mouthpiece, Organiser, lambasted the Constitution in its November 30, 1949, editorial for ignoring ancient Hindu texts like the Manusmriti: “In our constitution, there is no mention of that unique constitutional development in ancient Bharat… To this day his laws as enunciated in the Manusmriti excite the admiration of the world.” Golwalkar, in his 1966 book Bunch of Thoughts, dismissed it as a “cumbersome and heterogeneous piecing together of various articles from various Constitutions of Western countries. It has absolutely nothing which can be called our own.”

Following Gandhi’s assassination by Godse—an RSS member—the organization was banned in 1948, with Patel citing its role in communal violence. To lift the ban, the RSS pledged loyalty to the Constitution, but internal opposition persisted. Pro-RSS sources downplay this as early ideological adjustments, claiming eventual alignment with constitutional values. However, the preference for Manusmriti’s caste-based hierarchy over Ambedkar’s egalitarian framework reveals a fundamental clash. Nation building, as per Modi, credits the Constitution for India’s unity—yet the RSS initially sought to replace it, undermining the very foundation it now claims to uphold.

Disregard for the Tiranga: A Symbol of Rejection

Modi’s speech invokes national pride, but the RSS’s relationship with the Tiranga (tricolour flag) tells a different story. From India’s independence in 1947 until 2002—a span of 52 years—the RSS refused to hoist the national flag at its Nagpur headquarters, opting instead for the saffron Bhagwa Dhwaj.

In a 1947 Organiser editorial, the RSS demanded the Bhagwa as the national flag, deeming the Tiranga unfit. Post-adoption, it criticized the flag’s three colors: “The word three is in itself an evil, and a flag having three colours will certainly produce a very bad psychological effect and is injurious to a country.” Golwalkar echoed this in Bunch of Thoughts: “Our leaders have set up a new flag for the country. Why did they do so? It just is a case of drifting and imitating… Undoubtedly we had [a flag]. Then why this utter void, this utter vacuum in our minds.”

The RSS hoisted the Tiranga briefly in 1947 and 1950 but ceased until activists forcibly did so in 2001, leading to arrests; regular hoisting began in 2002 after flag code amendments. Critics, including Rahul Gandhi, have highlighted this as evidence of the RSS’s anti-national stance. RSS supporters argue the Bhagwa represents eternal Hindu dharma, not rejection of the Tiranga, but this symbolism prioritized sectarian identity over national unity—a direct counter to Modi’s inclusive rhetoric.

Fostering Communal Division Through Hindutva Ideology

At the core of RSS criticism is its Hindutva ideology, which equates Indian identity with Hinduism, marginalizing minorities. Golwalkar’s 1939 book We or Our Nationhood Defined likened Muslims and Christians to “traitors,” advocating assimilation or subjugation, drawing parallels to Nazi Germany’s treatment of Jews.

This has manifested in communal violence, from Partition-era riots to modern campaigns like “love jihad” and cow vigilantism. While RSS claims to promote unity, scholars view Hindutva as fascist, threatening India’s democracy by enforcing Brahmanical hierarchies. Opposition voices accuse it of spreading hate, contradicting nation building.

Pro-RSS accounts emphasize social harmony through service, like running schools and health camps. Yet, critics argue these efforts serve Hindutva propagation, excluding minorities and reinforcing divisions.

Instilling Hate Through Education: RSS Schools and Distorted Narratives

A critical extension of the RSS’s divisive ideology is its influence on education, particularly through Vidya Bharati, its educational wing that operates over 12,000 schools across India, educating millions of students. Pro-RSS advocates portray these institutions as centers for “value-based education,” instilling patriotism and cultural pride. However, scholarly analyses and investigative reports reveal a curriculum laden with half-truths, factual inaccuracies, and narratives designed to foster communal hatred among young minds.

Logically, education should promote critical thinking, historical accuracy, and inclusivity to build a cohesive society. Yet, Vidya Bharati textbooks often glorify a mythical Hindu golden age while portraying Muslims and other minorities as invaders or threats. For instance, books in Bengal’s RSS-inspired schools claim “gods live inside cows,” reinforcing cow worship in a way that vilifies non-Hindus, and use stories of child Krishna to subtly instill anti-minority bias. Critically, such narratives are factually flawed: They ignore archaeological evidence of ancient India’s diverse cultural exchanges and exaggerate Hindu inventions (e.g., claiming ancient Hindus invented airplanes), which rational analysis debunks as pseudoscience. This indoctrination creates “foot soldiers” for Hindutva, as teachers—often RSS affiliates—involve students in communal activities, breeding prejudice rather than empathy.

This pattern extends to national curricula under BJP governance, influenced by RSS ideology. Between 2023 and 2025, the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) made controversial revisions: Deleting references to Mughals’ contributions, the RSS’s role in Gandhi’s assassination, evolution theory, and communal riots like those in Gujarat. Women rulers like Raziyya Sultan and Nur Jahan were omitted from Class 8 history books, erasing diverse perspectives. NCERT justified these as “rationalization” to reduce student burden post-pandemic, but critics rationally argue it’s “saffronisation”—a systematic erasure of uncomfortable facts to align with Hindu nationalist views. Critically, this deprives students of balanced history, fostering ignorance and bias: For example, omitting the Babri Masjid demolition’s context whitewashes RSS-linked violence, perpetuating division rather than reconciliation. In essence, these educational interventions contradict nation building by prioritizing ideology over facts, instilling hate through selective storytelling.

A stark illustration of the consequences of RSS education emerged in a viral Instagram reel featuring a young woman identified as an ABVP (Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad, the student wing of the RSS) president. In the clip, she propagates baseless narratives, claiming that India received independence from Britain on a “99-year lease” in 1947, implying full sovereignty only in 2047. She also attributes scientific discoveries like gravity and relativity to ancient Indian sages, predating Newton and Einstein, echoing common RSS pseudohistorical tropes. Visually, the reel shows her speaking confidently at what appears to be a public event or interview, with text overlays emphasizing these claims, set against patriotic imagery. The caption and hashtags likely amplify anti-colonial revisionism, but the content is factually debunked: India’s independence was absolute in 1947 via the Indian Independence Act, with no lease clause— a myth debunked by historians and British archives. Similarly, while ancient Indian texts like those of Aryabhata discuss motion, they do not equate to Newton’s laws or Einstein’s theories, which were groundbreaking in modern physics.

Analyzing this, the girl’s knowledge reflects RSS schools’ fake narratives, which blend mythology with history to foster Hindu supremacy. Rating RSS education on a scale of 1-10 for quality and societal impact: It scores a dismal 3/10. While it may teach basic literacy and discipline, it severely lacks in critical thinking, scientific rigor, and inclusivity, instead promoting communalism and pseudoscience. This plays with young minds by filling them with distortions, turning potentially bright individuals into “fools and useless fellows” who parrot untruths without verification. Such indoctrination stifles innovation and empathy, essential for nation building. Logically, minds conditioned to reject facts and view minorities as enemies cannot contribute positively to a diverse, democratic India; they may instead perpetuate division, hindering progress in fields like science, governance, and social harmony. Critically, this undermines Modi’s “nation building” praise, as RSS education often produces ideologues over informed citizens, as seen in this ABVP leader’s embarrassing display that went viral for its ignorance rather than insight.

Conclusion: A Selective Narrative of Nation Building

PM Modi’s eulogy frames the RSS as an unblemished force for national service, but historical evidence paints a portrait of ideological rigidity that opposed India’s secular ethos. While its social initiatives provide tangible aid, they cannot erase a legacy of non-cooperation in the freedom struggle, constitutional antagonism, flag disregard, communal polarization, and educational indoctrination. True nation building owes more to the inclusive vision of India’s founders than to the RSS’s exclusionary Hindutva. As India reflects on its 79th Independence Day, acknowledging this full history is essential for genuine unity.

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96. Controversy Over NCERT Textbook Revisions: Societal Impact and … – https://www.iasgurukul.com/blog/sociology/controversy-over-ncert-textbook-revisions
97. From the India Today archives (2023) | The great NCERT edit of … – https://www.indiatoday.in/india-today-insight/story/from-the-india-today-archives-2023-the-great-ncert-edit-of-indian-history-2554134-2024-06-17
98. NCERT textbooks: Why some Indian scholars are disowning books … – https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-65947356
99. Raziyya Sultan, Nur Jehan dropped from new Class 8 NCERT … – https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/raziyya-sultan-nur-jehan-dropped-from-new-class-8-ncert-history-textbook/article69824161.ece
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110. ABVP Leader’s Viral Clip Exposes RSS Education Flaws – https://www.scroll.in/article/1065000/abvp-leaders-viral-clip-exposes-flaws-in-rss-education-system